The surge of interest in North African and Mamluk Historical Martial Arts has grown considerably, especially with the translation of the 1470 treatise by an anonymous author. It’s difficult to ascertain who exactly this person was but by understanding the historical context surrounding the construction of the treatise, we are able to get an understanding of the person who wrote it, as well as ascertain an idea of the themes and literature and artistic licenses that existed at the time. The treatise itself is both a running social commentary on what was going on at the time and also a mirror into the world the Mamluks inhabited in the late 15th Century. To say things were unstable in the Mamluk Sultanate at this time is an understatement; the 15th Century can best be encompassed by a time of reoccurring economic crises, due to severe financial loses in the agricultural sector from frequent reoccurring plagues, the loss of goods such as textiles, silks, sugars, glass, soaps etc,[1] and some examples being recorded in 1348,[2] 1429 (as a great plague resulting in the death of one hundred thousand, twice the number in lower egypt[3]) 1430 and 1460.[4]  The black death resulted in the a large reduction in the population and the number of Mamluks in the 1340’s. This coincided with the political turbulence that existed within the Sultanate and often throughout the 15th Century, Sultans were overthrown and their bureaucracy (indicating support for the previous administration) was purged. This had been common practice beforehand, the reign of an-Nasir Muhammed (1310-1341) had seen the purge of thousands of mamluks who had been purchased by his predecessor; conditions, like the black death, that stemmed the flow of mamluks from the caucuses and Mongol territory, new methods of training and far more relaxed conditions which represented an integration of the Mamluks into Egyptian society. An-Nasir Hasan had purged the senior emirs and mamluks who ousted him in the 1350’s and began recruiting awlad al-nas (descendants of mamluks who did not experience enslavement/ maumission) in the military and administration. This was succeeded by Yalbugha who, to restore discipline and espirit de corp, applied the rigorous educational methods used during the reigns of Baybars and Qalawun which was reversed when Yalbugha was murdered.[5] Both the practice of administrative/military purges and mortality caused by the plagues would be reoccurring factors that dominated throughout the decline of the Mamluk Sultanate.

Loss of manpower was further diminished by the Sales of Offices, which exacerbated towards the end of the regime. The case of venality and bribery/corruption became common when government positions were sold, with the motivation of accumulating wealth. At the time of Ibn Iyas, it’s recorded that 7 Military Offices, 23 Religious Offices and 8 Administrative Offices were distributed in cases of venality in 1524.[6] With this in mind, a simple framework can be underlined; Mamluks were bought by the Sultan in large numbers, when the Sultan was overthrown, the main Mamluks under them would be purged, replaced and, in many cases, positions were often sold to other Mamluks. The use of Mamluks was a matter of not only having professional soldiers who were indebted servants, but who would also achieve administrative and fiscal positions, due to their rigid and discipline education in Islam which included the reading and writing of Classical Arabic and the recital of the Qur’an and the Hadith.

With this in mind, we can get a more animated insight into who wrote the 1470 Treatise and what became of them. Most likely, the author was well-educated and formed part of an educated class who was patronised to made this work; this person may have been an educated Islamic scholar of the mandaras (scholarly centres of learning or universities that covered aspects like law, theology etc), the Ulama. With the overthrow of the Sultan, the patron, who probably was a prominent person in the court of the Mamluk Sultan, was probably purged as well ( under the Sultanate of Qaitbay, 1468-1496, a period of relative stability, military success and prosperity); this evident by the fact the name the treatise is attributed to has been removed/defaced, however we still have some clue in the title. It reads al-ali al-mawlai al-amiri almaliki al-makhdumi (His highness my Lord the Prince who deserves to be served). This title is known to have been used by prominent Mamluk governors such as Sawdun al-Muzaffari, the Governor of Aleppo under Sultan Barquq (1340-99). This would indicate the treatise is probably a copy of an earlier treatise by an unknown author during the 14th Century; it’s also suggested however, in the subject matter, phrasing and etymology, that the work resembles members of al-Tarabulsi al-Rammah, a prominent family of lancers who wrote on the subject of combat for more than two centuries during the Mamluk era. It’s unknown whether this was copied from the work of the family of lancers and whether the author left their name deliberately anonymous as part of the literary licensing for Mamluk popular literature.

It’s important to get a sense of the literary conventions at the time, a good frame to articulate this discourse is Mamluk poetry, in the majority of cases the distinction between poetry and non-poetic sources are non-existent as genres merge together. Mamluk poetry can often be mistaken for being conservative, in that it uses antiquated themes however to do this is to misunderstand the style of writing that was apparent. It’s important to see the writing style as both anachronistic and organic. Unlike conservative literature which sought to preserve antiquated writing, the Mamluks were heavily invested in contemporary literature and though one may superficially think the writing harkens back to a “golden age” or a previous era, they used previous writings to emotionally, theologically and socially make sense of the present and apply these organically. They also follow the convention of creating very qualified and flowery writing to express one’s (in the Ulama case) qualification and to be a means of social progression. The use of poetic verse and flowery writing was not only necessary but an intergral part of Mamluk society and should also be seen as a means to display one’s authority and knowledge, just as one’s academic article might be included in academic off prints. This plays into the writing style for military treatises, which anachronistically incorporated previous Greco-Roman and Abbasid treatises. Though most Mamluk treatises on Furusiyah aimed at the market were of a practical nature, literary and antiquated elements would creep in. For example, al-Aqsara’i’s Nihyat al-Su’al wa-al-Umniyah fi Ta’lim A’mal al-Furusiyah adopted sections of Tactica by Aelian of the Second-Century A.D, a Hellenic strategic treatise.[7] However, rather than incorporating outdated material, the 1470 treatise can be seen in this context of cross-pollination between popular and educational literature.

Erotic elements of literature also play an integral part in the writing and in many cases the division between spirituality and eroticism is not apparent, many are written by the educated Ulama; to them the division would not have mattered and weren’t privy to divisions; there was little perception of decadence, indeed the majority of ghazal poetry has homoerotic themes e.g. the beloved being of the male gender. Scholars such as Ibn Hajar, composed homoerotic poems themselves and it’s not surprising to find religious learned men doing the same.[8] This is seen in the way the inhabitants of Mamluk society saw sexuality and love which were perceived in the paradigm of gender. Love was seen as acceptable in the situations of male genders falling in love with non-male gender identities; to clarify further, a male was of the male sex who had reached adulthood, others were females, males who had not yet grown a dense beard, eunuchs or “effeminates.”, in short with the exception of prohibiting certain sexual practices and encouraging marriage, religious institutions were indifferent towards men being in love with beautiful youths. Indeed the role of zarif (the old culture of the Abbasid period and equivalent to a young dandy) saw scholars like fifteenth-century Amit Janiback al-Ashrafi dressing and behaving like a Zarif in a homosexual fashion; which included mannerisms, cages of singing birds, the chessboard, bottles of wine, books of poetry, love romances and magical treatises.[9] Al-Safadi wrote Law’at al-Shaki (Plaint of the lovelorn), a commemoration structured in rhymed prose and poetry of the narrator’s love for a Turkish horse-archer, as well as an anthology on beautiful boys, the beauty spot and wine.[10] The distinction between love and eroticism results from the implementation of Victorian moral standards during the colonial period, which is further perverted by the advent of Orientalism, whereby Western Europeans created a romanticised narrative of barbarianism, sensuality, easy eroticism and exoticism and applied this narrative to North Africa and the Middle East. Indeed, the integration of eroticism/pornography was the norm.

The treatise being written is reflective of several themes. The increase of the Ulama taking part in literary communication meant ergo, virtually every member of the Ulama took part in poetry. The form of poetry communicated took the form of public speech, rhetoric or text in praise of something or someone, whether it was a birth of a child, death of a close-person or a return from the Hajj, in often lengthy and flowery poems; which would have been answered in a dialogue. Poems of purely literary value stood intertwined with poems that fulfilled practical purposes. This would mean there was an increase in poetic production of any quality as well as a growing interest in applying that to private life, rather than former Abbasid poetry which spoke about asymmetrical relationships, such as a poet/patron or poet/beloved. Instead, there was a communication on equal terms about personal circumstances and empathy for shared experiences. With this in mind, the Ulama was far from standardised and the high prestige associated to learning resulted in a demographic of people with superficial training as scholars. With this in mind, and the superficial scholar’s focuses on small amounts of hadith and only certain subjects such as law, showed they were not equals to the professional Ulama. However, since there was a lack of any qualification such as guild rules, exams or memberships, there was no way to delineate the qualified from unqualified. Ergo, the Ulama defined themselves as leading specific discourses in a particular style, mainly poetry with linguistic proficiency and a mastering of Arabic grammar as a means to distinguish themselves from the lesser-educated. This isn’t to say the literature as opposed, in many cases it was enjoyed, but the Ulama were afraid of violating standards on a professional level by quoting or composing them, without making clear they knew better. In this way there is a blurring between popular and educated literature as scholars like Ibrahim al-Mi’mar and Ibn Sudun led the Ulama and “people of the streets”.[11]

With the treatise comes certain contextual phrases and words which can be seen from treatises that have already been translated. For example, the Mamluk treatise Nihayat al-su’l wa-l-umniya fi ta lim a mal al-furusiya (An end to the question and desire of teaching/learning the works of horsemanship), has various guards for lance work such as the “Syrian/ Rum block.” Within the Islamic world, Rum was associated with Roman such as the phrase Bilad al-Rum (land of the Romans) and would later be administered under the Ottomans as Rum-i-Millet (the Roman people). One would easily assume this is associated with the Byzantines or Eastern Romans whose Empire survived until 1453, however this would be a misnomer. The definition of Rum within the Arab/Islamic world, as was apparent in the Mamluk Sultanate and the later Ottoman Empire, also encompassed Orthodox Christians regardless of demographic. For the Syian/ Rum the Mamluks referenced, it most likely meant the Arab Orthodox Christians in Cyprus and Syria, who had a firm and indistinguishable connection. The treatise which places itself in the 14th Century, showed that the relationship between Cyprus and mainland Syria was close. The Suriens were Arab-speaking inhabitants of Cyprus who belonged partly to the Greek and Syrian Orthodox denominations and may have constituted the majority in Famagusta. Similarities went so far as to be encompassed by conversing concerning disputations between Christian and Muslim scholars in the form of pamphlets.[12] A contextual understanding is therefore necessary in understanding what’s being said, otherwise one may assume Byzantine influence when the Byzantines had lacked control of the area, at the time the treatise was written, for 200 years.

The amount of Furusiyah literature that’s still unpublished is monumental, a large portion of it having material that’s a precursor to the Mamluk Sultanate. Below is a list of unpublished treatises:

  • “Al-Adim al-Mithl al-Rafi al-Qadr,” Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Library MS Revan 1933
  • (pseudo) Najm al-Din al-Ahab, “Kitab al-Furusiyah” (added title), Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale MS 2829
  • Muhammed Ibn Isa ibn Isma’il al-Hanafi al-Aqsara’I, “Nihayat al-Sul wa-al-Umniyah fi Ta’lim A’mal al-Furusiyah,” London, British Library MS Add. 18866
  • Abu al-Ruh Isa ibn Hassan al-Asadi al Baghdadi, “Al-Jamharah fi Ulum al-Bayzarah,” British Library MS Add. 23417, Madrid, Escorial Library MS AR.903
  • Altanbugha al-Husami al-Nasiti, Known as Atajug, “Nuzhat al-Nufus fi La’b al-Dabbus,” Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyah MS 21 furusiyah Taymur
  • Badr al-Din Baktut al-Rammah al-Khazindari al-Zahiri, “Kitab di Ilm al-Furusiyah wa-La’b al-Rumh wa-al-Birjas wa-‘Ilaj al-Khayl,” Biblioteque Nationale MS 2830 (fols. 2v.-72r.)
  • Abu Bakr al-Baytar ibn Badr al-Din al-Nasiri (ibn al-Mundhir), “Kashif al-Wayl fi Ma’rifat Amrad al-Khayl (or “Kamil al-Sina’atayn fi al-Baytarah wa-al-Zardaqah”), Biblioteque Nationale MS 2813;
  • Umar ibn Raslan al-Bulqini, “Qatr al-Sayl fi Amr al-Khayl,” Istanbul, Sueleymaniye Library MS Sehid
  • Ali Pasa 1549
  • Sharaf al-Fin ‘ Abd al-Mu’min ibn Khalaf al-Dimyati, “Fadl al-Khayl,” Bibiotheque Nationale MS 2816
  • “Al-Furusiyah” (untitled fragment), British Library MS 9015
  • Hunting treatise (untitled), Alexandria, Egypt, Maktabat al-Baladiyah MS 201/1
  • Muhammed ibn Ya’qub ibn Ghalib Ibn Akhi Hizam al-Khuttali, “Kitab al-Furusiyah wa-al-Baytarah,” bayezit Public Library Veliyuddin Efendi MS 3174
  • Idem, “Kitab al-Furusiyah wa-Shiyat al-Khayl,” British Library MS Add. 23416; idem, “Al-Kamal fi al-Furusiyah……” (added title), Istanbul, Faith Mosque Library MS 3513
  • Muhammed Ibn Mangli al-Nasiri, “Al-Adillah al-Rasmiyah fi al-Ta’abi al-Harbiyah,” Istanbul, Ayasofya Library MS 2857
  • Idem, “Al-Tadbitat al-Sultaniyah fi Siyasat al-Sina’ah al-harbiyah,” British Library MS Or. 3734
  • Idem, “Uns al-Mala bi-Wahsh al-Fala,” Bibliotech Nationale MS 2832/1
  • Abu Muhammed Jamal al-Din ‘Abd Allah Ibn Maymun, “kitab al-Ifadah wa-al-Tabsir li-Kull Ramin Mubtadi’ aw Mahir Nahrir bi-al-Sahm al-Tawil wa-al-Qasir,” Istanbul, Koprulu Mehmet Pasa Library MS 1213
  • Ala al-Din Ali ibn Abi al-Qasm al-Naqib al-Akhmimi, “Hall al-Ishkal fi al-Ramy bi-al-Nibal,” Biblioteque Nationale MS 6259
  • Idem, “Naqawat al-Muntaqa fi Nafi’at al-Liqa,” British Library MS Add. 7513/2
  • Rukn al-Din Jamshid al-Khwarazmi, untitled, British Library MS Or. 3631/3
  • “Kitab fi La’b al-Dabbus wa-al-Sira ala ak-Khayl,” Bibliotheque Nationale MS ar. 6604/2
  • “Kitab al-Hiyal wa-Fath al-Mada’in wa-Hifz al-Durub,” British Library MS Add. 14055
  • “Kitab al-Makhzun li-Arbab al-funun,” Bibliotheque Nationale MS 2826
  • “Kitab al-Makhzun Jami al-Funun,” Bibliotheque Nationale MS 2824
  • Husam al-Din Lajin ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Dhahabi al-Husami al-Tarabulsi al-Rammah, “Kitab Umdat al Mujahidin di Tartib al-Mayadin,” bibliotehque Nationale MS Ar. 6604/1
  • “Al-Maqamah al-Salahiyah fi al-Khayl wa-al-Baytarah wa-al-Furusiyah,” Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyah MS 81 furusiyah Taymur
  • Mardi ibn Ali al-Tarsusi, “Tabsirat Arbab al-Albab fi Kayfiyat al-Najat fi al-Hurub,” Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Huntington 264
  • Shams al-Din Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sakhawi, “Al-Qawl al-Tamm fi (Fadl) al-Ramy bi-al-Shiham,” Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyah MS 2m Funun harbiyah
  • “Sharh al-Maqamah al-Salahiyah fi al-Khayl,” Bibiotheque Nationale MS AR. 2817; Library of Istanbul University MS 4689
  • Al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Aysun al-Hanafi al-Sinjari, “Hidayat al-Rami ila al-Aghrad wa-al-Marami,” Topkapi Sarayi Library MS Ahmet III 2305
  • Nasir al-Din Muhammed ibn ‘Ali al-Qazani al-Sughayyir, “Al-Mukhtasar al-Muharrar,” Topkapi Sarayi Library MS Ahmet III 2620
  • Idem, “Al-Hidayah fi ‘Ilm al-Rimayah,” Bodleian Library MS Huntington 548 (annotated version of the latter)
  • Idem, “Sharh al-Qasidah al-Lamiyah lil-Ustadh Salih al-Shaguri,” Bibliotheque Nationale MS Ar 6604/3
  • Jalal al-Din Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr al-Suyuti, “Ghars al-Anshab fi al-Ramy bi-al-Nushshab,” British Library MS Or. 12830
  • Abu Muhammed Abd al-Rahman Ahmad al-Tabari, untitled fragment, British Library MS Or. 9265/1
  • Idem, “Kitab al-Wadih (fi’Ilm al-Ramy).” British Library MS Or. 9454
  • Taybugha al-Ashrafi al-Baklamishi al-Yunani, “Kitab al-Ramy wa-al-Rukub (added title), Bibliotheque Nationale MS 6160
  • Husayn ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Yunini, “Al-Nihayah fi Ilm al-Rimayah,” Ayasofya Library MS 2952
  • Abu al-Nasr al-Qasim ibn Ali ibn Husayn al-Hashimi al-Zaynabi, “Al-Qawanin al-Sultaniyah fi al-Sayd,” Fatih Mosque Library MS 3508

This lists 40 treatises covering a multitude of different subjects encompassed within Furusiyya including Hippology; archery; lance work; mace, staff, sword, shield and dagger use; wrestling; boxing; hunting; command on a strategic and tactical level and siege craft. The range in this Islamic tradition of literature is wide and though the individual subject matters are vast, intertwining with one another with the philosophy of each area being an individual science with chains of authority, in the fashion of the Hadith in which previous information is recited and transmitted down from a considered, pure, origin point.  Shihab Al-Sarraf makes a well-incited distinction between different types of Furusiyya treatises; thematic which constitutes a specialisation in one skill; general which consists of multiple disciplines amalgamated into anthologies and complications (which was a mark of higher, prestigious, literary learning); though these only constitute a fraction of surviving literature. Indeed, in many ways they can be misleading to any readers not well-versed with the general context of thematic treatises.[13] With the lack of an academic framework, one can easily slip into generalising assumptions that Furusiyya was unrefined or it’s exoticness is influenced by Orientalist/Eurocentric perceptions that these developed from the crusades. One can also assume that the majority of the literature is Mamluk, however this is only a small portion of what has been attributed. A lot of the treatises are actually from the Abbasid period and were reworked; this is one of the reasons why Mamluk treatises often don’t reference their sources or acknowledge them; some treatises from the Abbasid period being either anonymous, copied by Mamluks or attributed to Mamluks with the added dimension of being cited to earlier writers or scholars. With a lot of the treatises being unassigned to an individual writer, different treatises often copy the same work but are given different titles to distinguish themselves. The extends one of the main issues with Mamluk literature concerning Furusiyya, mainly the reader’s inadequacy when trying to distinguish sources that span a multitude of geographical locations and time periods, such as Classical Greece, Sassanid Persia and the Byzantine Empire.

The origin of what can be considered Furusiyya originates at some time during the 8th Century in the Abbasid period, which eventually became refined and better formed in the 9th Century. In some treatises, Caliph ‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab is quoted as saying “Instruct your children in swimming, archery and Furusiyah” to the people within Syria.[14] The distinction comes within this time to upper furusiyah (al-furusiyah al-‘ulwiyah), which encompassed activities on horse, hunting and polo and lower furusiyah (al-furusiyah al-‘ulwiyah) which was performed on foot covering activities like sword, spear, shield, boxing and wrestling. This provides the implication for noble furusiyah (al-furusiyah al-nabilah) of the Abbasid court and nobility and military furusiyah (al-furusiyah al-harbiyah) which focused on the training of cavalry. The concept of furusiyya cannot be framed before the Abbasid period but seems to have been influenced by Khorasani cavalry, well renowned for being well-trained horsemen, and coincides with the founding of Bagdad during the time of Caliph al-Ma’mun, who, being elderly, used it as preparation for his successors.[15] The specialisation after Al-Ma’mun, with successors such as Al-Mu’tasim, meant specialisation into a sophisticated and deep rooted institution which was a pre-requisite for legitimacy for the Abbasid throne. The military side of Furusiyya seems to have emerged with the decline of the type of army that had led the Arab conquests from Spain to Afghanistan, which ad survived until the 9th Century, and with the transference from Khorasani to Transoxanian Turks followed by Turkish normads. This is where the ghilman institution (a precursor to the Mamluk one) comes into fruition under al-Mu’tadid who found the al-ghilman al-hujariyah; consisting of young indebted servants who were taught the rigours of Islamic learning and disciplined horsemanship, weapon use and different military roles, equivalent to what we would reference as “all-purpose military personnel.” The process was an amalgamation of Arab, Persian, Central Asian and Byzantine traditions. The intention of this was to create a superbly skilled mounted warrior, well-tuned in different disciplines, who could co-ordinate better strategically, and out skill, the hardy nomad cavalry of Central Asia.[16] With this, and the intitial favour of Khorasani cavalry, it was Akhi Hizam al-Khuttali who plays a prominent role,  whose literature is crucial in understanding furisiyya, being a master of  horsemanship, the lance and close combat with a variety of weapons who died in the last quarter of the 9th Century. As well as a warrior he was an authority of horses and a veterinary surgeon for the Caliph. His treatise is the earliest and was so influential that individuals such as Ibn Mangli recommended others not to follow any other works.[17] His work was also so vast that it was split into two treatises which were copied and separated, many of the copies attributing fictional names.

The Mamluks built upon the traditions of the Abbasids, with a shift in the geopolitics of the region. The destruction of Bagdad shifted the political and economic centres to Cairo and Damascus, and with the threat of the Mongols, these treatises were adapted into exercises and forms of training in conjunction with the Mamluk institution. With this divergence comes a shift in thematic treatises. Shihab Al-Sarraf provides a convenient guide for specific disciplines:

  1. Treatises on horses and farriery;
  2. Treatises on archery;
  3. Treatises on the art of the lance;
  4. Treatises on the art of the mace;
  5. Treatises on the art of war;
  6. Treatises on arms and war engines;
  7. Treatises on hunting;
  8. Treatises on polo[18]

This is further divided into comprehensive (providing an overall understanding of the subject) and specific (a specific subject matter) thematic treatises. This is separated from general furusiyah treatises that consist of covering multiple subjects, shortened versions, compilations or anthologies, these applying to the mace and lance; and furusiyya on foot. Al-Sarraf divides these categories further into three groups; 1) Basic due to originality or contribution, belonging to professionals; 2) Treatises based on the first group and pre-mamluk treatises. These tend to be quoted stringently clear and references the sources. The level of education and mastery of Arabic grammar also means an articulation of technical etymology and specification. 3) Would best be described as popular literature produced due to demand, within the end of the Bahri period during the Mamluk Sultanate. Most of the Furusiyah treatises amalgamate the first and second groups and find themselves in group 2 whereas a portion are either left deliberately anonymous or attributed to group 2, and are within group 3. This is where the 1470 treatise probably finds itself.

For more information, please read Shiahb Al-Saraf’s “Mamluk Furusiyah Literature and Its Antecedents” in Mamluk Studies Review VIII No. 1 (Chicago: The University of Chicago, Middle East Documentation Center, 2005), pp. 141-200.

[1] Christ, Georg, Trading Conflicts: Venetian Merchants and Mamluk Officials in Late Medieval Alexandria (Leiden: Brill, 2012) pp. 19-20.

[2] Alazzam, Isa Mahmoud; Alazzam, Sobhi Mahmoud & Al-Mazyid, Khalid Mahmoud “Plague, Epidemics and Their Social and Economic Impaact on the Egyptian Society during the Mameluke Period (648/1250 AD-923 Hegira/1517 AD) in Asian Culture and History, Vol. 5, No. 2; (Richmond: Canadian Center of Science and Education, 2013), p. 97-94

[3] Ibid.

[4] Borsch, Stuart and Sabraa, Tarek “Plague Morality in Late Medieval Cairo: Quantifying the Plague Outbreaks of 833/1430 and 864/1460 in

[5] Levanoni, Amalia, The Turning Point in Mamluk History: The Third Reign of Al-Nasir Muhammed Ibn Qalawun (1310-1341) (New York: E.J. Brill, 1995), pp. 88-89.

[6] “The Sale of Office and Its Economic Consequences during the Rule of the Last Circassians (872-922/1468-1516)” in Mamluk Studies Review IX (Chicago, The University of Chicago, Middle East Documentation Center, 2005) p.50

[7] Geoffrey Tantum, “Muslim Warefare: A Study of a Medieval Muslim Treatise on the Art of War,” in Islamic Arms and Armour, ed. Robert Elgood (London, 1979), pp. 194-196

[8] Thomas Bauer, “Mamluk Literature: Misunderstandings and New Apporaches,” in Mamluk Studies Review IX (Chicago: The University of Chicago, Middle East Documentation Center, 2005), p. 117

[9] Irwin, Robert, “Mamluk Literature” in Mamluk Studies Review VII (Chicago: The University of Chicago, Middle East Documentation Center, 2003), p.10

[10] ibid p. 20

[11] Thomas Bauer, pp. 108-111

[12] Johannes Pahlitzesch, “Mediators Between East and West: Christians Under Mamluk Rule in Mamluk Studies Review IX (2) (Chicago: University of Chicago, Middle East Documentation Center, 2005), p. 41.

[13] Shihab Al-Sarraf, “Mamluk Furusiyah Literature and Its Antecedents”, in Mamluk Studies Review VIII No. 1 (Chicago: The University of Chicago, Middle East Documentation Center, 2005)p. 142

[14] The earliest treatises citing this is “Kitab al-Furusiyah wa-al-Baytarah,” by Ibn Akhi Hizam, Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyah MS 5m funun harbiyah, fol. 75r.

[15] Al-Zaynabi, “Al-Qaqanin al-Sultaniyah fi al-Sayd,” fols. 22v., 37r.-v.

[16] Shihab Al-Sarraf, pp- 147-148.

[17] Ibn Mangli, “Uns al-Mala,” Dar al-Kutub al-Mistriyah MS 12 Sina’ ah, fol. 7r.

[18] ibid, pp. 153-154

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